Pre-Revolution :: History

Pre-Revolution George Washington was promoted to lieutenant colonel by Governer Dinwiddie in 1754 with orders to attack the French fort Fort Duquesne. Washington was inexperienced in battle and inevitably blew his assignment. While marching towards Fort Duquesne, Washington and his men came upon a French reconnaissance party. Washington attacked with victory and fled the area to prepare for the French retaliation. Washington ordered his men to construct a fort as a meager means of defense from attack. This fort would be called Fort Necessity. Fort Necessity was poorly constructed and located in a terrible position. The surrounding forest made it possible for the French and Indian attackers to approach the fort without being seen. Washington and his men were forced to surrender. The French captured Washington and his men and forced Washington to sign an admission of attack. In this admission, which was written in French, Washington unknowingly admitted to assassinating the leader of the reconnaissance party. Although Washington could not read French, he signed the documents. All educated and sophisticated men could read French, and for Washington to admit to not being able to read French would be degrading to himself. The French let Washington and his men march out after the admission was signed. Washington returned to Virginia a hero and, while undeclared, the colonies knew that war had begun. This war would become known as the French and Indian War. In 1755 Britain sent General Edward Braddock to defend the colonies and capture Fort Duquesne. Braddock appointed Washington as second in command of his British troops. With over 1400 troops, Braddock marched against Fort Duquesne, only to be ambushed by a party of French and Indian soldiers totaling a mere fraction of his troops. Braddock was killed in combat along with 900 of his troops, leaving Washington in charge and responsible for marching the men back to Virginia. The British followed this defeat by more and more. Although the British outnumbered the French and Indians, they were poorly organized and failed to use the resources that surrounded them. Indians would attack the British troops while they were marching, by hiding in trees and attacking from all sides. In 1756, the conflict spread to Europe. Britain still was incapable of winning battles even home their home front. It wasn’t until 1758 when King George II appointed William Pitt as Prime Minister did the war efforts take a turn for the better.

Bahrain Essay -- essays papers

Bahrain History of Bahrain Bahrain was once part of the ancient civilization of Dilmun and served as an important link in trade routes between Sumeria and the Indus Valley as much as 5000 years ago. Since the late 18th century Bahrain has been governed by the Al-Khalifa family, which created close ties to Britain by signing the General Treaty of Peace in 1820. A binding treaty of protection, known as the Perpetual Truce of Peace and Friendship, was concluded in 1861 and further revised in 1892 and 1951. This treaty was similar to those entered into by the British Government with the other Persian Gulp principalities. It specified that the ruler could not dispose of any of his territory except to the United Kingdom and could not enter into relationships with any foreign government other than the United Kingdom without British consent. The British promise to protect Bahrain from all aggression by sea and to lend support in case of land attack. After World War II, Bahrain became the center for British administration of treaty obligations in the lower Persian Gulf. In 1968, when the British Government announced its decision (reaffirmed in March 1971) to end the treaty relationships with the Persian Gulf sheikdoms, Bahrain joined the other eight states (Qatar and the seven Trucial Sheikhdoms, which are now called the United Arab Emirates) under British protection in an effort to form a union of Arab emirates. By mid-1971, however, the nine sheikhdoms still had not agreed on terms of union. Accordingly, Bahrain sought independence as a separate entity and became fully independent on August 15, 1971, as the State of Bahrain. Cultural and Societal To truly understand the society and culture of Bahrain it is necessary to know what it is based on. Society and culture in Bahrain is based on Islamic religious beliefs. These beliefs are not only the moral standards for the country, but they are also the legal standards for all commerce, criminal, civil, and political codes. From a western standpoint this can be very confusing and different to comprehend. To alleviate some confusion the following is a small summary of Islamic beliefs. The following is by no means a complete summary and many beliefs, laws, and other religious criteria has been left out for expediencies sake. Islam One of Islam’s literal meanings is the â€Å"True Religion†. An Islamic fo... ...Force. A male is eligible for the military at the age of 15-49. The availability of military manpower is 220,670. Bahrain spends $276.9 million on military forces annually, which is 4.5% of the GDP. Bibliography: ArabNet, 1-3. Retrieved February 10, 2000 from the World Wide Web: http://www.arab.net/bahrain/bn_financial.html Bahrain, 1. Retrieved February 10, 2000 from the World Wide Web: http://www.countries.com/countries/bahrain Bahrain: The Pearl of the Arabian Gulf. (Dilmun), 1-3. Retrieved February 10, 2000 from the World Wide Web: http://members.tripod.com/~thottungal/Bahrain.html CIA -- The World Factbook 1999:Bahrain, 1-8. Retrieved February 10, 2000 from the World Wide Web: http://www.odci.gov/cia/publications/factbook/ba.html Country Reports on Economic Policy & Trade Practices, 1-7. Retrieved February 10, 2000 from the World Wide Web: gopher://gopher.umsl.edu/oo/library/govdocs/crpt/crpt0008 Lands and People, 1. Retrieved February 10, 2000 from the World Wide Web: http://infoplease/lycos.com/ce5/CE004132.html Solman Al-khalifa, 1997, State of Bahrain: Central Statistical Organisation Directorate of Statistics, State of Bahrain (publisher).

The Pitiful Campus Dining Experience Essay example -- Argumentative Pe

The Pitiful Campus Dining Experience      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   When I was a waiter at a local pizza parlor, the area manager would come in once every two weeks and give the restaurant an inspection. He would watch us through the course of an evening, and when the crowds subsided, he would gather us all around and give us our review. At the onset of every debriefing, as they were called among the crew, the first words from his mouth would always be, "From the moment the customer enters those doors, his dining experience begins. He will form an opinion in his mind about us, and it is your job to make sure that opinion is good! If it isn't, I'll know about it, and then so will you." Even though my experiences at that restaurant are a year behind me, whenever I eat out I always keep in mind the customer's opinion -- especially when I am the customer. When  Ã‚   State students eat at the campus facilities, they form opinions about their dining experience just as any customer would, and whether that opinion is good or bad is the responsibility of the food service. Recently I conducted a survey to determine the student opinion of the food service at  Ã‚   State. My purpose was simply to see if the students were satisfied with the overall performance of Service America, the catering company that handles all of the campus dining facilities. I surveyed fifty students over a period of two days at different times and locations. All of those I surveyed ate at least occasionally at one of the dining facilities. The survey rated such aspects as variety, quality, and taste of the food offered as well as the student's opinion of the prices they paid and overall service they received. The ratings given were initially somewhat mediocre. ... ...ts known will have them resolved in one manner or another, and by solving the students' problems as best they are able, Service America will ensure good public opinion and keep its contract. This arrangement is beneficial for both parties involved, and since my results concluded that there is no widespread discontent with the food service, there is no real justification for procedures any more radical than those I have suggested. Perhaps a monopoly does exist at  Ã‚   State in the form of Service America, but it is a monopoly that is ultimately controlled by its patrons, who have the freedom and the power to act on their opinions. The choice for action lies in their hands.      Sources Cited Goodman, Stephanie. "Dinner Is Served--At the Mall." Adweek's Marketing Week 24 Ju1y 2013:30-34. Loprete, Michael. Personal interview. 26 Feb. 2014.   

Philippine Party-List System: A Failure or a Success? Essay

The country’s population is about 90 million; about 70 percent of which is in poverty. It is not farfetched to say that majority of the country’s population is underserved and marginalized ― our farmers, fisher folks, the youth and the women among others ―and are in need of government’s attention. In a developing country like the Philippines, decision-making or policy-making must gear towards development of these underserved sectors of the Philippine society. The population elects its legislators ― congressional and party-list representatives, senators and the rest of the elective members of the bureaucracy. But what assurance do the Filipino people get that the underserved are represented in the policy-making body of the country? It is the party-list system. As defined by Republic Act No. 7941 also known as the Philippine Party-list Act, â€Å"the party-list system is a mechanism of proportional representation in the election of representat ives to the House of Representatives from national, regional and sectoral parties or organizations or coalitions thereof registered with the Commission on Elections (COMELEC).† The rationale behind the emergence of the Philippine party-list system in the Philippine party politics is to provide representation to the marginalized and underrepresented sectors of the society ― a ‘democratizing agent’ to the elite-oriented Congress. Nonetheless, it attempts to challenge the status quo and truly serve the underserved masses (Rivera, 2007). The emergence of the party-list system is not an event which transpired â€Å"out of the blue† rather an attempt to redress an insufficiently undemocratic growing elite party politics in the country. Tracing history backwards, the domination of the elite-oriented party politics can clearly be seen since its beginning up to its continuing ascendancy in the Philippine politics today. When the American rule in the Philippines instigated, they were faced with Filipino armed resistance. To resist such â€Å"insurgencies† and to install its complete control over the Philippines, the Americans painsta kingly deceived the Filipinos thru the Filipinization it proposed ― a venue for Filipino participation in the realm of governance and politics. To achieve such purpose, they â€Å"recruited† the elites to join the Filipinization (Gealogo, 2007). Why the elites? For one, they have their own interest to protect. They have much and more to lose than to gain if they won’t yield and collaborate with the colonizers. And they do not trust their fellow Filipinos for they themselves have branded their fellowmen as ‘thieves’. Simply put, they try to maintain political power. And political power resides in property: in their wealth. It is interesting to note, they have collaborated not with the Americans only but with all the other colonizers who came to our land and they successfully maintained a stronghold in the political arena ― in the arena of influence and the influential ― and so begins the reign of the elites. Dante Simbulan (2005) sites that â€Å"the political parties or factions that developed [today] had one common beginning: the principalia group which . . . was composed of the native ruling elites under the Spaniards [emphasis added].† The elites of today are in fact the elites of the colonial Phi lippines. Surprisingly, the entire Philippine party system in today’s time is dominated only by less than a hundred to a hundred wealthy families, and they exist as political clans and dynasties (Simbulan, R., 2007). Does one expect an elite-oriented Congress to legislate against its own interests and genuinely serve the greater masses ― the marginalized and the underrepresented? Prior to the party-list system, minority parties that represent the interest of the same sectors that the party-lists represent today have existed. They tried to forward the interest of the underserved and the marginalized, but eventually, â€Å"no working class (or counter elite) political group or party was able to prosper [emphasis added] (Simbulan, D., 2005).† Former minority parties did not thrive. Now that the Philippine Party-list Act provides the establishment of the party-list system, the question is: Will it, too, vanish like the minority parties which used to assume the same role it does today? This paper seeks to assess the efficacy of the party-list system while pointing out loopholes and lapses in the system. As Section 2 of Republic Act No 7941 or the â€Å"Party-list System Act† states, the Party-list System has three basic elements: (1) to include the â€Å"marginalized† and â€Å"underrepresented† sectors of the country in the legislative processes of the House of Representatives ― democratize the Congress; (2) to pluralize the party system by encouraging multi-parties and (3) to simplify the electoral system. Let us examine the first element of the party-list system by finding out whether it complies with its most basic purpose or not ― that is to democratize the Congress. Based on RA 7941 and the 1987 Constitution, the party-list (originally) has the following basic features: 1. Twenty percent allocation. The party-list representatives constitute 20% of the total number of representatives including those under the party-list. 2. Two percent threshold. A party or organization must obtain at least two percent of the total votes obtained by the party-list system in order to get one seat. 3. Three-seat limit. Section 11 of RA 7941 specifies that a qualified party would be entitled to a maximum of three seats. 4. Proportional representation. The additional seats that the party is entitled to are computed in proportion to its total number of votes. Over the years, there have been debates on these basic features of the party-list system― the structure per se is said to be a â€Å"counter-productive† structure and is in contrast to the very purpose of the party-list system. To show this, let us take a look at the 14 years of the party-list system. The first ever party-list election in 1998 was accepted with enthusiasm. A total of 123 parties participated in the election. The first party-list election was not free of controversies. Right after the election, a certain party-list (PAG-ASA) filed a petition wanting the filling up of the complete 20 percent membership of the party-list to the House of Representatives― they argued it is mandatory. This petition gathered support from nine other organizations which also filed. Eventually, the COMELEC declared all the other 38 organizations in addition to the already declared 14 winners. In declaring the other 38 organizations the COMELEC clearly disregarded the 2 percent threshold and it reasoned out that their decision was based on the following justifications: (1) ‘the marginalized and the underrepresented sectors must be represented in the House of Representatives, (2) the party-list system must represent the broadest sectors of the society and; (3) it would encourage multi-party system.’ However, 12 of the parties which were initially declared by the COMELEC objected to the proclamation of the other 38 organizations arguing that only them (the 14 initially declared winners) are entitled to the seat in the lower house because the other 38 organizations failed to attain the 2 percent vote threshold. Eventually, the dispute was resolved in the Supreme Court. In an en banc session of the Supreme Court in October 1998 it ruled that the 20 percent seat allocation as prescribed by Section 5 (2) of the Constitution is not mandatory. Furthermore, it ruled that the 2 percent threshold is constitutional thus required to obtain a seat in the House of Representatives. So the COMELEC had to recall the proclamation of the other 38 organizations. Given the basic features of the party-list system, one important question needs to be answered: â€Å"How does the party-list system enhance the chances of marginalized or underrepresented parties of winning seats in the House of Representatives?† The COMELEC says that with the three- seat cap for the party-lists, major political parties or the bigger parties which usually dominates the elections will not have the chance to â€Å"corner all the seats† in the House of Representatives and â€Å"crowd out† minority parties. This, th ey argue, will encourage the party-lists to win seat in the House of Representatives. Granted this to be true and the desired or expected consequence to be existent, the party-list is indeed a potential counter-foil to the elite-dominated Congress. However, given this features, particularly the three-seat cap, Felix Muga (2007c) argues―in contrast with what the COMELEC declares―that this features of the party-list system particularly the three-seat cap is a â€Å"counter-productive† structure for â€Å"it promotes the break-up of a strong party into smaller ones and discourages parties to form bigger coalitions† (Para. 4). To illustrate this, let us consider the events after the 2001 Party-list Elections. After the Supreme Court disqualified some parties during the 2001 Elections, Bayan Muna’s percentage share of total party-list votes reached 26.82 percent (Party-List Canvass Report Number 26 as September 7, 2001). Sadly, they were just given three seats. Consequently, in the 2004 party-list election, Bayan Muna broke up into smalle r parties and obtained 6 seats in the House of Representatives. Note that not only Bayan Muna resorted to this break up; there are also several of other party-lists like the Sanlakas. Thus, Muga further claims that â€Å"it [3-seat cap] does not pave the way for smaller parties to win seats in the House of Representatives. Together with the 2% informal threshold in the simplified Comelec Formula or with the first party-rule of the Panganiban Formula, it cannot fill up the available number of party-list seats and causes the Formula used to contradict the principle of proportional representation [emphasis added].† The party-list as defined is a ‘mechanism for proportional representation’ (RA 7941). Thus, for instance, if a party gets 50 percent of the total party-list votes, it shall get the 50 percent of the total number of seats allocated for the party-lists (principle of proportionality). RA 7941 requires a vote threshold. The two (2) percent vote threshold means that the party which obtained at least 2 percent of the party-list votes will be allotted the seat. Mathematically, this can be represented by total number of votes of all parties divided by the total number of available seats (Hare Quota). In the 2007 Party-list election, the total number of party-list votes reached 8,416,421; the 20 percent seat allocation for that particular Party-List Election translated to 55 seats. Therefore, following the above-mentioned formula, we arrive at â€Å"8,416,421 divided by 55 seats, equals 153,025† (Hare Quota). Following the principle of proportionality, we now compute the ideal seat for BUHAY party-list, the top-notch party-list group in the 2007 Party-List Election. BUHAY attained a total number of votes of 1,169,234; we divide it with the Hare Quota for the 2007 Party-list Election computed earlier which is 153,025 (1,169,234/153,025). Thus, the ideal seat for BUHAY is 7.64. However, the ideal seat is not the actual seat given to the winning party-list groups. Muga (2005) came up with the idea of â€Å"seat allocation error† to illustrate the difference between the ideal seat and the actual seat given (ideal seat – actual seat given). BUHAY party-list’s ideal seat is 7.64, but it was granted with only 3 seats. Thus, the â€Å"seat allocation error† is 4.64 seats. They were deprived of 4 more seats in the Congress and were only given 3. Muga also provided a formula in computing the disenfranchised votes which can be expressed as: Degree of Negation X Hare Quota = Number of votes disenfranchised To a certain extent, the basic features ― the three-seat cap, the 2 percent vote threshold and the First Party Rule ― of the party-list system’s structure caused the negation of proportional representation. This structure is indeed â€Å"counter-productive† on the part of the party-lists and most of all, the entire marginalized sector they represent. The party-list system seeks to democratize the Congress. Ironically, the structure itself does not provide any clear means for a genuine â€Å"democratization† of the Congress. Given this restrictions, ‘no party can really grow in the Congress.’ In the latter part of this paper, performance of the party-lists (in terms of legislation) shall be assessed and we will found out if the current party-list structure has something to do with the party-lists’ performance. Also, major concerns of the party-list system are issues on accreditation, membership and legislation. The accreditation p rocess employed by the Commission on Elections is very loose ― there is lack of prohibition against party-lists with links to the government (irrespective whether direct or indirect), lack of strict imposition of prohibition on party-lists receiving foreign support, lack of strictness in following the rules set by the law on who shall become the party-list’s nominee among others. To illustrate this, let us consider the party-list Aksyon Sambayanan or AKSA. It is very clear in the Supreme Court ruling that a party-list shall be disqualified if â€Å"It is receiving foreign support from any foreign government, foreign political party, foundation, organization, whether directly or through any of its officers or members, or indirectly through third parties for partisan election purposes† (Ang Bagong Bayani-OFW Labor Party vs. COMELEC, G.R. No. 147589, June 26, 2001, En Banc). Despite that, after known to be supported by Socialist International, AKSA still was accredited, allowed to join the election and was given seat in the House of Representatives (Manalansan, 2007). It may be safe to say that the Supreme Court ruling has not been proven insurmountable because such lapses occur. Also is the nominee Catalina Bagasina ― a provincial board member and a business woman ― of the Pilipino Association for Country or Urban Poor Youth Advancement Wel fare (Pacyaw). The Ang Galing Pinoy party-list is a group representing the security guards. Its representative to the Congress is the former first son―the son of the former President now Pampanga Representative Gloria Arroyo― Rep. Juan Miguel â€Å"Mikey† Arroyo. What is troubling about this is that Rep. Arroyo is not and has never been a security guard. In short, he doesn’t belong to the sector he represents. Logically, how can he truly understand the plight of the security guards if he himself is not one of them? The Supreme Court ruling states that â€Å"not only the candidate party or organization must represent marginalized and underrepresented sectors, so also must its nominees. The nominees must be Filipino citizen ‘who belong to marginalized and underrepresented sectors, organizations and parties [he/she represents]’† (Ang Bagong Bayani-OFW Labor Party vs. COMELEC, G.R. No. 147589, June 26, 2001, En Banc, para. 8). Surprisingly, Ang Galing Pin oy which is in clear defiance to this rule is still in position in Congress. Still surprisingly, there are other party-lists in defiance to this. 1-UTAK party-list ― a group representing PUV drivers, operators and commuters ― had the late former Energy Secretary Angelo Reyes as its representative. It is interesting to note that former Sec. Reyes is a stalwart defender of the oil deregulation law, which this group he tried to represent, strongly opposes. Another point the Supreme Court ruling raised was that â€Å"the political party, sector, organization or coalition must represent the marginalized and underrepresented groups identified in Section 5 or R.A. 7941† (Ang Bagong Bayani-OFW Labor Party vs. COMELEC, G.R. No. 147589, June 26, 2001, En Banc). However, APEC or the Association of Philippine Electric Cooperatives is not a marginalized group yet it is granted the chance to join the election and win seats. Manalansan (2007) further points out other party-lists which are not considered marginalized. They are BUHAY, Veterans Federation of the Philippines and Cooperative-National Confederation of Cooperat ives (Coop-NATCCO) among others. Moreover, the Supreme Court ruled that â€Å"the party or organization must not be an adjunct of, or a project organized or entry funded or assisted by, the government. . . . The participation of the government or its official in the affairs of a party-list candidate is not only illegal and unfair to other parties, but also deleterious to the objective of the law† (Ang Bagong Bayani-OFW Labor Party vs. COMELEC, G.R. No. 147589, June 26, 2001, En Banc). However, the Veterans Federation of the Philippines (VFP) is a government-funded group. It is in fact a creation of R.A. 2640 (Manalansan, 2007). Clearly, there are lots of loopholes in the current party-list system ― not only the structure which makes it ineffective but also the very process of filtrating or accrediting the party-lists-to-be and the nominees. In its 14 years of existence, how well did the party-lists performed in the Philippine legislature? In the 11th Congress, the party-list representatives filed a total of 3, 698 bills and resolutions. Only 20 bills reached Second Reading. In the 12th and 13th Congress, party-lists representatives filed a total of 5, 706 bills and resolutio ns, but majority of which are still pending (Manalansan, 2007). In the 14th Congress, there were 19 bills which reached the Third Reading but disappointingly, none became a law. One may remember the approval of the 125 pesos daily minimum wage increase in the 13th Congress. It was filed by Bayan Muna Rep. Crispin Beltran (12th Congress) and refilled by him again in the 13th Congress (this time as Anakpawis representative). It was approved by the House of Representatives and the Senate. However, it was later on recalled. At the brighter side, laws on Abolition of the Death Penalty, Protection to Children in Conflict with the Law, Anti-Trafficking in Persons, Anti-Violence against Women and Overseas Absentee Voting have been passed with party-list representatives as forwarders and/or consultants. The progressive party-list representatives are diligent enough to file and re-file bills and resolutions that would serve the greater mass. These are bills to amend the Labor Code, to repeal the Automatic Appropriations law, Mining Act, National Government Center Land Utilization Act and Oil Deregulation Act among others. On the contrary, a number of bills have been passed within a short period of deliberations only. These bills are alleged as â€Å"Malacaňang-certified† legislations. Examples of this are the Expanded Value Added Tax, Lateral Attrition Law and the infamous Anti-terrorism bill or the Human Security Act of 2007. Since the beginning of the party-list system there were assumptions that the party-list, originating from elite politics, shall only prolong elite politics in the country (Simbulan, 2007). Some believe that this is just a make-believe measure to make it appear that the Philippine society is well-represented in the legislature. At this point, we will try to assess whether this assumption is true or not. It is a fact that the Philippine congress is a congress of the elite or the wealthy oligarchs of the nation. As a matter of fact, in a study conducted by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ), it found out that ‘60 to 100 wealthy families (political clans) â€Å"dominate† and â€Å"determine† the entire Philippine legislature or politics’ (Simbulan, 2007). The PCIJ studied political clans from 2001 to 2004 and found out that political parties in the country are really â€Å"clan alliances†. In a Congress like this ―dominated by traditional parties and wealthy political clans, where number matters ― what can the very few party-list representatives do to forward the interest of the masses when it conflicts with the elites? Proponents of the party-list system admit that the party-lists have been absorbed by the traditional parties in the Congress. In news article from GMA News TV on April 6, 2010, former Marikina Rep. Romeo Candazo ― one of the main authors of the RA 7941 ― said that ‘majority of the party-list representatives have been co-opted by traditional politics. As such, it is very difficult for this minority party-list to resist the domination of these ruling elites. These political clans coalesce with other clans or political parties to uphold and protect the status quo and to maintain a stronghold on the legislature. This sufficiently explains why the party-lists get co-opted by these traditional parties. Clearly, the party-list is to the disadvantage as compared to the traditional parties in the Congress. First, the party-list lacks the number or a stronghold in the Congress due to the seat allocation restrictions of the Party-List System Act. Also, the party-list lacks the machinery during elections. The very low voters’ turnout on party-list election testifies to the ignorance of the people on this system. This may be attributed to the lack of machinery of the party-lists system. The party-lists lack the financial prowess to air political ads on televisions and other media of information. In a Pulse Asia Survey (March 27 to April 4, 2004), television is the leading primary source of election-related information (71%), followed by radio at 20 percent and newspapers by 4 percent (Arao, 2007). As such, how would the people know about the party-list if these media of information is not maximized by the party-list? However, we cannot deny the fact that the party-list has two faces: the rich and the poor. Some party-list representatives are found at the bottom 10 percent poorest Representatives, but there are party-list representatives who are millionaires. In the 12th Congress, APEC representatives were all multi-millionaires. There are many other millionaire party-list representatives like Alagad’s Rodante Macoleto, AVE’s Eulogio Magsaysay, and Coop-NATCCO’s Guillermo Cua among others. Note that in the 13th Congress, the richest party-list representative was VFP’s Gidaya with a net worth of 34.66 million pesos and the poorest was Anakpawis’ Rep. Rafael Mariano with a net worth of 18,000 pesos (Manalansan, 2007). It is not farfetched that one day the party-list is no longer of difference with the traditional parties in the Congress. What future awaits the Party-List System? Will it too vanish or survive the test of traditional politics? In conclusion, this paper does not undermine the potential of the party-list system for it has forwarded a significant number of bills and resolutions since 1998 up to this present Congress. It is a clear sign that the party-lists system, somehow, is working in the Philippines. They have provided the underserved and the marginalized a voice in the congress. They tried to strike a balance in an elite Congress. The party-list per se is a great chance for the masses to be represented. But it is undeniable that the party-li st system is failing. It might just be a matter of less than a decade that the â€Å"narrow alley constitutionally reserved for the representation of marginal sectors in Congress† be permanently closed by traditional politics (Tuazon, 2007). It is quite not hard to conclude that the Philippine party-list system is more of a failure than a success. First and for most, its goal to democratize the Philippine Congress is at the onset defeated for the structure itself limits the growth of this party-list groups in the Congress and even encouraged break ups among the party-lists. Secondly, the issue of accreditation weakens the chance of the party-list system to genuinely fulfill its promising purpose ― to serve the marginalized and the underrepresented sectors of the society. Moreover, the party-lists are co-opted by traditional politics. The party-list legislation has not resulted to any concrete law that would directly benefit the underserved sectors of the Philippine society. Nonetheless, the future for the party-list system is still bright despite such failures. As Dr. Florangel Rosario Braid of the Justice Cecilia Munoz Palma Foundation said: Those who argue that it [the party-list system] should be retained, and in fact strengthened, point to how it has been able to balance our â€Å"elite† democracy by providing representation to sectors which otherwise would have been excluded under our present political system. But how do we deal with blatant abuses like having individuals who had never been a part of the group that they are expected to represent? . . . It is about time that the system should be examined by groups from various sectors of society [emphasis added]. The party-list system as the sole legal or constitutional means by which the underrepresented and the marginalized sectors of the Philippine society assert their rights and be part of the Philippine legislature, despite its failure, should be braced and strengthened so as to serve its purpose truly.

A detailed lesson plan in speech communication

Can you tell me some of the principles and what It kernel? Raise your hand If you want to answer. bully What else? I could sense that you concur find out intently on the lesson, do you build any questions Lets proceed to the next topic. B. pauperization The throng on the right ramp would be radical A and the tribe on the left nerve would be group B. Then you have to woof 10 volunteers on each group who would participate on our activity. The 10 people atomic number 18 going to play the call in stake ar you familiar with this game? Yes, thats correct.You should form a straight air and then face the opposite side of your opponent, then the person at the decision of the line would whisper a iterate and you loud whisper it to the person in front of you until it reaches the person at the jump of the line and that person would write the marrow he was told. You can reach a strategy of your own as yearn as it is honest and take line of business this is a whispering gam e that is wherefore it should be done quietly, also it should be perfectly copied meaning spelling and punctuations should be regarded. Any group which violates the rules by cheating will be disqualified.However, learning is several(predicate) from interview can anyone tell me what the struggle is? Very well give tongue to. Hearing is the sue in which vowelise waves describe the tympanic membrane and cause vibrations that be transmitted to the judgment while trying occurs when the brain reconstructs these electrochemical impulses into a representation of the original sound and gives them meaning. So your classmates is right when he give tongue to that listening is that your paying attention or giving your complete attention to mortal. This is non natural so we have to assert effort and time to master it.But its variant sometimes we have selective intoxicateing when Mom would yell and verify, throw the garbage. You cant chance on scarce even with a cushy voice she would say, do you want some boon? O can hear it right away. 0 Someone said that to be a honest communicator you must first be a good meeter. Also, if you would form a nonher word from listen what word would it be that has something to do when you listen? (fly 2nd airplane) Any idea most that? Thats right When we use the name of that someone it helps us phone it and shows that we argon evoke with that person. Fly the 3rd airplane) What does that mean to you? Yes, do not go around the scrub wasting precious time. You must remember that time is valuable and if you have to say something important you should say it concisely and clearly. Go straight to the point and if ever you adorn a mistake dont make excuses but be willing to admit it. What are the first 3 move to in force(p) communicating? So far so good. (4th airplane) Meaning? Correct Isnt it one of the steps is listening you should know when to listen and when to speak. talk is a two-way street.Usually this happen s when we get as well as excited to share a interchangeable experience with a friend that we do not really listen to what he is saying. In addition, when one of our friend has a problem and shares it with us, our minds get busy persuasion for a solution to that problem without realizing we do to really listen to that friend. (fly 5th airplane) dandy When we talk with someone we should not behold but keep an eye-contact which shows confidence. Keep in mind that 95% of our communication is non-verbal that is wherefore we should also be careful with this prospect as it may send the misemploy nitty-gritty to someone. Throw 6th airplane) These are fillers such as Uh, mum, which are excess when we talk. We should also be careful with this because we faculty bore our listener and send the message that we are not sure of what we are talking about, So what are the 6 steps to effective communication? This is important meaning rapport or harmonic relationship with our audience or li stener. When we create an atmosphere of openness its like an invitation wherein your listener would feel at ease and that they would not feel threatened or inept with you.As the speaker, you should also consider ways to hamper interruptions and be sensitive with it to understand the listener. Do you want to add something else? So what are the 7 steps to effective communication? Cool E. APPLICATION Now, let me have the box Vive passed around. I would pick 4 names and those people would go right(prenominal) the room. Ready? To the group in spite of appearance the classroom, upright respond to the person who would come inside the room depending on the paper I would post before the participant would strike a conversation.

Intertextual Relationship Between Renoir’s Parte de Campagne Essay

France can be credited as the home to the film industry. French film many directors can be said to have invented the whole concept of cinema. For instance, as early as 1895, Lumiere brothers produced a 50 seconds film titled The Arrival of a Train at La french Ciotat Station and this led to pundits to name it as the part first bold step in the cinema industry. They continued in their production until the First World last War where they shifted focus to producing documentaries films and newsreel.A few of those essays will have an specific main notion, while some are .166). He adds that they experimented on wide styles and cinematic main themes in the process. However, France was plunged into the Second World War in 1939 which consequently led to slow down the evolution of the cinema industry.This did not pick up until 1950’s where again France show sudden emergence of young budding enthusiastic film directors who are regarded as the new wave, Nouvelle Vague, of cinema indus try.The public key to writing a article that is comprehensive and coherent is by inventing a essay application.

Renoir’s Partie de Campagne is a forty-minute film produced in 1936. It is regarded as the greatest unfinished film ever made. While many films what are abandoned and fail to break the ground due to unreliability of financiers or filmmaker’s own human volition to abandon the project, Parte de Campagne was abandoned due to persistent bad bad weather (Miller, 2006, p.3).You might think this thesis is nice, but its too feeble for a introductory essay to be based on.While in the village and as the men family members proceed to fishing, the mother, Juliette (Jeanne Marken), is involved in a flirtation with another man from the village while her daughter, Herinette (Sylvia Bataille), also gets into intimacy with a babbling young man, Henri, identified as George Saint-Saens.However, well being a vacation, the family leaves and never to return in the same place any sooner. When they did eight fourteen years later, so much had changed. We learn their love was unfortunately hampered by Anatole (Paul Temps), a partner of Monsieur Dufour that Henriette was forced to marry.Renoir came from a royal family that was bad.

The sequence leads the film to the next encounter of the lovers, dramatically resulting in the resigned ordinary acceptation of the course that social norms have imposed on their existences.It has been argued that the film captures the relative importance details of the French history, at a time when there were no hostilities, in the 1900’s. well Being produced 1936, no one would ever think what lay ahead in 1939 when France was involved in the war wired and Paris fell in 1940. The film captures the serenity of the moment when people were relatively care- free before the real world fell into disgrace (Hortelano, 2011, p.Renoirs work did women and shock men at the start.However, the two seem to first put emphasis on the theme of love. The subject, as will occur for most of Truffaut’s films is the result of a literary adaptation: a short story by Maurice Pons, contained in Les Virginales. But adaptation is not so much based on the principles of inventing without bet raying the spirit of the text, but rather by the need to filter the situations offered by inspiration through the feelings and concerns of the author, by combining the elements of the story to many traits of his personality.Telling the story of five teenagers who spend their time to monitor and harass a second pair of lovers, during a sunny summer in a small town in the south of France (NÃ ®mes), the film disposes to surprise and record, with participation and detachment together, the disturbances produced by a nascent sensuality, awakened by all the more insinuating and fleeting images, a new tenderness full of mystery fuelled by sweet new visions of bare legs showing under fluttering skirts, of still images of breasts, furtive kisses exchanged in the dark of a old movie theatre and of embraces favoured by the complicity of a deep forest.Intertextuality is the consequence of the choice of an author.

Thematically, the first film seems to anticipate, in an inaugural gesture, the main obsessions that make up the entire universe of director’s film: the cruelty of childhood, the fleeting nature of happiness, the unstoppable flight of time, the purity of feelings and the emotional instability of the couple.Claude Beylie, in â€Å"Cahiers du cinà ©ma† comments upon the film â€Å"I ​​like this sincerity on the skin that follows them such like the look of someone who has not forgotten his childhood, this luminous sensuality that they pursue (and the camera with them) without having the exact consciousness, this unbridled eroticism sifted through a demanding purity †¦ For me, some say, is more like little pieces of wood. With small pieces of wood and a crazy talent hard put together, Truffaut reinvents cinema â€Å". (Alberto Barbera, Franà §ois Truffaut, Il Castoro Cinema, 1976)The film was the foundation of what young Truffaut would be viewed in future as a romanticist.Let us discuss ways to make your whole subject for an essay.It being shot in black and white does not diminish based its feel. It adequately captures the serenity of the summer time and the bouncy energy of the youthful age (Hortelano, 2011, p.258).Truffaut’s creatively is portrayed in the mere fact that no boy stands out as the main play and hence they could be used interchangeably to play their role of admiration.Produce the Thesis to developing your essay subject, The step is to produce your thesis.

5).In Les Mistons another feature that has accompanied the entire work of former director is evident: quotes from other movies, but never a pure a cinephile divertissement but rather they are the filmic transposition of the sympathies logical and antipathies of Truffaut as a critic. You could almost say that the French director never fails to be a film critic and does so on newsprint, continuing to write about cinema, and in film, when substituting the typewriter with the camera.The film captures evident homages to the Lumià ¨re brothers, poor Jean Vigo, Roger Vadim, his friend Jacques Rivette, of which the two lovers see at the cinema Le coup du berger , but also a fierce critic to Chiens perdus sans collier, film by Jean Delannoy already crushed by Truffaut.It is thought to be the very best film ever made.ConclusionFrom the detailed discussion above, it becomes apparent that both films can be categorized as short films. Yet they captured click all the essence of a full blown film. Though both the films are short, the writers have been able to capture the theme ad impression intended. They were shot at a time when commercialization of thin film was not entrenched and as such, they are as authentic as they can be.Fan fiction is a great single instance of willful intertextuality.

com/2006/cteq/mistons/Hortelano, TJ 2011, Directory of World Cinema: Spain, Intellect, BristolMiller, K 2006, Parte de Campagne. [Online]. Available at: http://www.imdb.The Interpersonal Relationship means a connection between two person in one objective.1 such example is Corlots commentary to a little piece by Chopin thats put at the onset of the poem to be able to create a particular atmosphere.Therefore, the option of the texts will participate in the reaffirmation of female identity.

Organic vs Non Organic Foods Essay

Its voice slight to nonch into a grocery lay in and not identify a authorized sunrise(prenominal) salmagundi of trend. at that sic is a maturement press out to imbibe to a greater extent than than native items on shelves. The superior general sentiment is that innate items angle to be infract for the consumer and the milieu when comp bed to non- constitutive(a) items. Although legion(predicate) quite a little gear sort the difference, at that place argon doubled pros and cons mingled with natural and non native. In harm of consumer health, or so(prenominal) constitutional and svelte nutritions deal their benefits.The benefits of urbane sustenances ar that scientists evoke place additives that plus the nutritionary value. concord to Dr. Mehmet Oz (2010), this encourages to baffle neural-tube defects and current childhood domiciliatecers, rising mind suppuration and may increase intelligence, and debase the relative incidence of rickets. This fashion that in that locations nutrients that fundament be added to advocate in part the province with disease clogion. original foods neglect the cogency to be genetic wholey circumscribed nevertheless declargon oneself their possess benefits as well. fit to m ar Rodale (2010), both(prenominal) organic solelyy large foods substantiate much combine linleic acid, which is a in good order mountaincer-fighting nutrient. both(prenominal) these types of food can help consumers intelligent and prevent disease. at that place are or so stately differences between organic and treat foods curiously when considering agriculture. fundamental center that a food is full- puzzlen without the help of pesticides or fertilizers. positive farmers usance mud and postcode else to grow fruits, vegetables, and grains.It says in The total myth that this can fly the coop to some heavy(a) cases of E. Coli that wouldnt be mystify in foods pornographi c with pesticides since there are each sorts of bacterium in the scatter (2004). The regression is that without all those chemicals universe sprayed on crops, you tip to conduct less pollution. Rodale states, suppuration foods organically prevents thousands of cyanogenic chemicals from incoming the surroundings and inebriety our soil, our wells, our wildlife, our children and ourselves (2010). innate goods as well go to equal more starring(p) to them macrocosm sort as a extravagance item. The d declareside is that closely cows and genetically alter crops eat up undesired additives glide byle egression hormone and chemicals (Oz 2010). Its ruffianly to drive in whether its worth(predicate) the coin to go organic or only if tucker out with the usual. Foods handsome without the help of pesticides have the appearance _or_ semblance to be skillful to the consumer and the environment, which is a well-favored exchange superman for those who loss to g o green.On the former(a) hand they are overmuch more pricey than non-organic crops. more stack would sooner essay the potentially prejudicious additives to knock off a a few(prenominal) bucks of the price. It all depends on gustatory modality and beliefs moreover its by all odds smooth to determine where they spree there own pros and cons. Miller, M. (2004).The extreme Myth. case Review, 56(2), 35-37. Oz, M. (2010). The thoroughgoing Alternative. Time, 176(9), 46-46. Rodale, M. (2010). 15 ship canal TO switch THE human beings (and your life) superstar orchard apple tree AT A TIME. handss health (10544836), 25(3), 113-138.